Table of Contents Table of Contents
Previous Page  201 / 210 Next Page
Information
Show Menu
Previous Page 201 / 210 Next Page
Page Background

[

] 199

E

nsuring

W

ork

-F

amily

B

alance

The average age of people at their first marriage and of the birth

of their first child, two of the main demographic factors affecting

fertility rates, also increased during the same period. As Korean

women stay in education for longer and their career aspirations

have improved, they aremore likely to delaymarriage. The average

age of Koreanwomen at their first marriage was 25.8 years in 1990

and it increased to 29.4 in 2012.

7

Due to delayed marriages, the

average age of women at the birth of their first child increased from

28.3 years old in 2002 to 30.5 in 2012.

8

These prolonged times

for marriage and childbearing follow trends for women in other

OECD countries. However, the share of births out of wedlock has

been around 2 per cent inKorea, which is extremely low compared

with European countries. It implies that even though marital and

childbearing behaviours have changed in Korea, traditional norms

on marriage and legitimate children remain.

The two most distinctive changes in the Korean family are

a decrease in family size and changes in the structure of the

family. Korean families are more likely to have fewer numbers

of children and to form a nuclear family than before. The average

number of people in a household decreased from 5.2 in 1970

to 2.7 in 2010.

9

The proportion of single-person households

increased from 4.2 per cent in 1975 to 23.9 per cent in 2010

10

due to the expanding number of young single households and

the solitary aged.

11

Although the realized actual average number

of children (TFR) was 1.3 in 2012, Koreans reported that the

ideal number of children is 2.01 on average.

12

The gap between

TFR and the ideal number of children suggests that most Korean

families hardly realize the number of children they want to have.

Many married Koreans pointed out that they do not have addi-

tional children because they are unable to afford the child-rearing

and education costs. This implies that as long as relevant condi-

tions are provided, Korean families might have the number of

children they want and the fertility rate of Korea will increase.

Crude divorce rates – the number of divorces each year per

1,000 people – increased from 0.4 in 1970 to two in 1997.

It increased further after the Asian financial crisis and then

decreased to 2.3 in 2011. Among the divorced families, the

proportion of families with children was 52.8 per cent in 2012.

13

This indicates that having children is not such a crucial factor in

the decision to divorce as it was in the past.

Korean families no longer discriminate against girls in favour

of boys in terms of investment for their education.

14

However,

the outcomes for females in the labour market are not in good

shape. Female employment rates have not increased much for

the past two decades: from 50.9 per cent in 1990, the rate had

increased only 7.1 percentage points by 2011.

15

The gender gap

in employment rates remained at around 20 per cent during

the same period.

16

A gender wage gap exists of around 40 per

cent in terms of median earnings for full-time employment.

17

Labour market conditions are not favourable for female workers

in Korea. In 2011 68.5 per cent of female workers worked more

than 40 hours per week.

18

Female part-time employees usually

do simple and low-skilled jobs in poor working conditions.

19

Mothers with young children used to withdraw from the labour

market due to the long working hours and rigid working times,

and graphs of female employment rates by age group still form

an M-shape. This implies that Korean women leave the labour

market at times of marriage and childbearing and re-enter it after

their children have grown up. Most women return to work in

low-paid and under-qualified jobs compared to the jobs they had

before marriage and childbirth.

20

Korean women dedicate more

time to care work at home compared with Korean men. In 2009,

Korean women aged 25-44 years old with one child under school

age spent 16 per cent of their time caring for family members

compared with 3.6 per cent of corresponding Koreanmen. As the

family had more children the disparity further increased: Korean

women with two children under school age spend 19.7 per cent

of their time caring for family members compared with 4.7 per

cent of corresponding Korean men.

21

Before low fertility became an issue, family policy in Korea

focusedmainly on poor families. Since 2005when theGovernment

initiated the Basic Plan on LowFertility and Ageing Society, family

Korea’s rapid economic development can be seen in the contrast between (left) a traditional house and (right) the new Sejong administrative city

Images: Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs