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A
S THE MAIN
United Nations organization responsible for
food and agriculture, the Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO) works with member countries to promote sustain-
able agricultural production and trade, reduce hunger, and fight
against the causes of food insecurity. For the longer term, this
requires expert technical and policy analysis and advice, and
support to investment in such areas as production, transport and
storage infrastructure. In the shorter term, some of the FAO’s crit-
ical work includes monitoring of food security trends throughout
the world, and providing early warning of impending crises.
In terms of food security monitoring, countries with an
already high level of hunger understandably receive the moni-
toring priority: widespread malnutrition stems from structural
causes not amenable to change in the short term, and it often
takes a relatively small additional shock to make a bad situa-
tion worse. In other words, widespread malnutrition pertains
in some countries because of structural factors such as poverty
and lack of access to public services like education and public
health; the same factors contribute to vulnerability to food inse-
curity.
1
By monitoring the current state of environmental, economic
and social trends in already ‘fragile’ or vulnerable countries, the
FAO keeps track of the general food security status and short-
term prospects of various countries. A map and list of ‘countries
in crisis requiring external assistance’ is updated at least once a
month by the organization’s Global Information and Early
Warning Service (GIEWS).
2
A quick comparison between the structural hunger map and
the shorter-term map of countries currently in crisis shows a high
degree of correlation, especially for sub-Saharan Africa, where
food crises tend to be longer lasting. But risk analysis and early
warning must also consider the following possibilities:
• Slow onset natural disasters for a new set of countries
• Human-induced crises at national or sub-national level
• Quick onset disasters (with limited scope for early warning,
but some for preparedness).
Slow onset natural disasters typically lead to food insecurity as
a result of significant crop failure, due to drought or other forms
of adverse weather, or devastation by pests such as desert
locusts. Sub-Saharan Africa being the large part of the world
relying least on irrigation for agriculture, the pertinent long-
term risk map for food production takes on a different focus
according to the major rainy seasons. For example, from June
through October the Sahel is monitored most closely, followed
by east Africa and the Horn until the end of the year, with
Southern African weather and agricultural conditions receiving
much more attention from December through April.
Human-induced food crises brought about by conflict and wide-
spread insecurity, or even long periods of economic
mismanagement and poor governance are, unfortunately, not
uncommon. Indeed, such human-induced rather than disaster-
related food crises have become increasingly common. Since the
early 1990s, the proportion of emergencies that can be attributed
mainly to human causes has more than doubled, rising from
around 15 per cent to over 35 per cent. For such cases, the task
of hazard mapping is more complex, especially where natural and
human-induced factors reinforce each other.
Quick onset disasters such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions
and even large floods offer limited scope for early warning, but in
historically high-risk areas there is some opportunity for
preparedness and mitigation. That is the case in richer countries,
but much less so in developing nations. However, since the major
tsunami of December 2004, all have come to agree that early
warning and disaster preparedness should be an integral part of
the development (and official development assistance) process.
3
The use of risk mapping and vulnerability analysis is not limited
to the more affluent countries. The stakes are actually higher for
poorer nations, since disasters can set them relatively further back
on the path of development. After a series of devastating droughts,
for example, countries of the Sahel
4
have integrated the unpre-
dictability of rain-fed food production into their policies, farming
and pastoral strategies, and their patterns of regional population
movement and trade. As a result, these countries tend to fall into
crisis less often than others located in regions endowed with more
favourable conditions for food production. When crises do occur,
as with the 2004 combination of drought and desert locusts, they
tend to be relatively less severe and significantly shorter.
Ethiopia, a large and very diverse country with a population of
well over 70 million, has also been suffering from recurring periods
of drought and food insecurity. The country has established a highly
decentralized and wide-ranging system for disaster preparedness
and prevention and, with donor support, a social safety net to
address chronic vulnerability to food insecurity. It is also imple-
menting, in partnership with the World Food Programme, a
prototype weather-indexed insurance scheme to safeguard basic
household-level productive assets in case of disaster. Ethiopia is
building up its capacity to do timely vulnerability analysis mapping,
or what may be considered dynamic risk mapping. A nationwide
population census will start shortly, agricultural statistics methods
and processes are being upgraded, and are about to be comple-
mented with state-of-the-art satellite data and imagery. These will
enable better estimates of the timing of agricultural activities in
various parts of the country, and of the extent of cultivation.
Long-term, or structural risk mapping has been in practice for
a long time; it basically consists of identifying the areas which
Dynamic hazard mapping for food security:
examples from sub-Saharan Africa
Henri Josserand, UN Food and Agriculture Organization




