Family Futures

[

] 129

onfronting

amily

overty

tion, as Arab women with a university degree (a relatively

small share of this population) have employment rates that are

much more aligned with those of educated Jewish women.

The low employment shares for lower-educated Arab-

Israeli women in practice means that most Arab families

only have one wage earner. Such families are much more

likely to be poor than the one-earner Jewish household.

This differential effect is partly due to family structure,

wherein Arab single-earner families are younger and likely

to have more children than their Jewish counterparts. More

importantly, however, there are vast differences between

the employment patterns of Arab-Israeli and Jewish men.

Arab-Israeli employment is characterized by lower-skilled,

lower-paying labour which is often physically demand-

ing. In turn, employment benefits are more limited, steady

work more difficult to find, and retirement ages much

younger for male Arab-Israelis. The work pattern differ-

ences among Arab-Israelis and Jews are influenced by the

educational gaps that emerge at an early age. A study by the

Israeli National Authority for Measurement and Evaluation

shows that Arab-Israeli youth score 17 per cent below the

Israeli national average on the Programme for International

Student Assessment (PISA) exam testing reading, mathe-

matics and science.

Israel already performs poorly on the

PISA exam when compared to other OECD countries; as

such, Arab-Israeli test results are below those of developing

countries such as Jordan, Colombia and Indonesia.

Looking beyond poverty rates, it is important to under-

stand how lower income actually affects households, and

what coping mechanisms exist for families to withstand

economic pressure. While material hardship often depends

on income and social policies such as food and housing

subsidies, it is also contingent upon communities, friends

and family practices. In this regard, Israeli families differ

with respect to the impact of material hardship.

While many Israelis go without basic needs such as food,

utilities or medical care, these problems are more severe at

the bottom half of the income distribution. Nonetheless,

there are noticeable differences even among the poor. Even

though income levels are similar among Haredim and Arab-

Israelis in the lowest income quartile, Arab-Israelis are more

likely to forgo material or health-care needs across the board.

One hypothesis is that fundamental characteristics under-

lying the family and community structure are responsible for

these differences in material hardship. Specifically, while 22

per cent of Arab-Israelis in the lowest income quartile have

experienced poverty often since age 15, only 15 per cent

of the lowest-income Haredim have. As such, the poorest

Haredim do not suffer as much from the hardships of inter-

generational poverty as Arab-Israelis do. Furthermore, the

community nature of the Haredim, which entails a culture

of social support, may mitigate specific financial difficul-

ties faced by an individual family. A 2009 Central Bureau of

Statistics survey asked respondents if and from whom they

could receive support if they needed to quickly raise a sum of

about US$1,400. Arab-Israelis expressed reliance on parents

or children for such assistance, with limited other options.

In contrast, Haredim showed a broader support network,

with 37 per cent, 40 per cent and 53 per cent comfortable

asking friends, relatives or parents for support, respectively.

The combination of perpetuating poverty, poorer support

networks and greater financial obligations to one’s parents

may lead to the greater levels of material hardship expressed

by poor Arab-Israelis.

Considering Israel in the global context, important lessons

can be drawn with regard to strengthening the role of fami-

lies while developing a modern economy with economically

empowered women. Culture and geopolitical factors are

likely contributors to the strong family orientation in Israel,

which is reinforced through government policy. Workplace

practices as well as legislation around maternity leave and

childcare have created a supportive environment for employ-

ment of Israeli women with children.

Part of developing a family-friendly society is to ensure

the well-being of children and their parents. In this regard,

Israel’s biggest challenge is its very high poverty rates rela-

tive to other developed countries. Poverty affects a wide

range of families in the country, with traditionally large

Haredi and Arab-Israeli households particularly hard-

hit. There is a worrying trend of declining education

levels and correspondingly low employment rates among

younger Haredi men, who are instead choosing a lifestyle

of prolonged religious study. Among Arab-Israelis, low

– but growing – rates of female employment combined

with lower-skilled, less stable work among males contrib-

utes to entrenched poverty. Furthermore, Arab-Israelis

Employment rates for women aged 35-54 by sector

and education level, 2011

Source: Kyrill Shraberman, Taub Center

Data: Data: Central Bureau of Statistics,

Labor Force Survey

Academic degree

All

Arab Israelis

Non Haredi* Jews

*Haredi/m are ultra-Orthodox Jews

100

Per cent